The Forgotten Revolutionary: Shaheed Arif Hussain Al Hussaini and his Revolutionary Struggle

“Religion should be the axis of politics, politics should not be the axis of religion.”

Allama Arif Hussain Al Hussaini was born on the 25th of November, 1946 in the village of Pewar of Parachinar in the Kurram Agency of the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. He belonged to a very respectable family of the Doerazai Tribe, a tribe that was the descendant of the 4th Shia Imam Hazrat Ali Ibn Hussain Zain-ul-Abideen (a). He received his primary education at his hometown's government primary school, and later on completed his matriculation in Parachinar. Later, he showed interest in religious studies and got admitted to Madressa Jafria, Parachinar, from which he went to Najaf to further his studies. In 1973, He returned home, got married, and in 1974 went back to Qom to join the Hawza there.

While Martyr Allama Arif Hussain Al Hussaini was studying in Najaf, Imam Khomeini (ra) was also living in Najaf in exile. Imam Khomeini (ra) used to lead Maghribayn prayers at the Madressa of Ayatollah Burujerdi. Very few Muslims used to pray behind Imam Khomeini due to the strict vigilance over him. But the only Pakistani who, without any fear, came every evening to pray behind Imam Khomeini (ra), was Martyr Allama Arif Hussain Al Hussaini. After the prayers, Imam Khomeini (ra) would deliver a lecture. The martyred Allama was said to have listened to every lecture with complete concentration and focus. After returning from the lecture, he used to repeat what he learned to his fellow students in the hostel where he used to live, and encouraged them to attend the lectures of Imam Khomeini (ra). [1]

His political struggle started in Najaf, where he faced continuous harassment at the hands of the Iraqi dictator, Saddam Hussein and his authorities, but that wasn’t enough to stop him from achieving his aspirations. Because of his attachment to Imam Khomeini (ra), he was ordered to leave Najaf. He chose Qom as his next destination, where revolutionary activities had peaked. Due to his political activities, he came under the eyes of the Shah’s intelligence and was arrested, threatened and tortured, but he remained determined. Imam Khomeini (ra) gave him his Wikalat Nama, (a letter issued by a Marja to a student to issue fatwas and collect Khums in his name) but it was seized at the border of Iran in 1983 when he was returning back to Pakistan.

On his return back to Pakistan, he started his political activities by giving speeches in local Shia mosques. He also founded the Shaheed Foundation to protect the welfare of the families of martyrs. His first clash with the dictator of Pakistan, Zia ul Haq, happened when a committee of ‘Maliks’ (political agents) was created by his government to look after the affairs of the area. Martyr Arif spoke openly against this committee, and called for the Malik’s assembly to be abolished to put an end to their oppressive monopoly, which led to his arrest. After this event, his popularity sky-rocketed at the expense of the Khurram agency's imperialist agents, who grew concerned by this.

In 1984, Martyr Arif was elected as the leader of Tehreek-e-Nifaz-e-Fiqh-e-Jafria (TNFJ), a political party representing the Shias of Pakistan, which marked the beginning of his political struggle in the country. Peshawar became the headquarters of the party and from there, they visited other areas all over Pakistan and gave speeches tackling the misconceptions about Shi’ism and its adherents. Under the context of growing ethnic violence and sectarianism in Pakistan, Martyr Arif called for the people to instead be united and direct their efforts against the tyrannical dictator. He also educated the masses about the crimes of the USA in the region and raised anti-imperialist slogans. These efforts awakened the political consciousness of the Muslims of Pakistan, developing what could be called the spirit of revolution across the country, and led to Imam Khomeini (ra) issuing a written statement appointing Martyr Arif as his official representative in Pakistan. Martyr Arif held a press conference in Peshawar demanding a change in the corrupt political system through the removal of Zia ul Haq from power. Growing in insecurity, the dictator and his agents began a series of targeted attacks against the Shia of Pakistan. Muharram processions were stopped, banned, and attacked, but this did not stop Martyr Arif from his struggle against oppression. He continued to advocate for Muslim unity and throughout his life, united them under one banner.

Martyr Arif welcoming Ayatollah Khamenei during his visit to Pakistan

The increasing popularity of Martyr Arif among the people in Pakistan was seen as a threat by the imperialist agents, especially through the famous Quran-O-Sunnat Conference in 1987 which shook every imperialist puppet, as it was attended by more than one million people of different sects from all over Pakistan. No one had seen such unity among the Muslims against the dictator in these numbers. It was later confirmed by a senior journalist that all newspapers related to the conference were taken by the US embassy in Islamabad, while many recordings of the program were sent to the US. 

The environment of revolution in Pakistan was being solidified by Allama Arif, which became too much to bear for the corrupt officials. On 5th August 1988, after finishing his Fajr prayers, two gunmen entered the Madrassah and assassinated the scholar. Those behind the assassination of Martyr Arif were unknown until the involvement of Captain Majid Jilani, an army officer in the protection team of Zia ul Haq, was later revealed.

‘The loyalist and lover of Islam and its revolution; the defender of the oppressed and deprived; son of Syedul Shohada Aba Abdillah Al Hussain (AS). We should think deeply by putting the example of martyr Syed Arif in front of us. There is no greater achievement for the pious than to leave his abode with wounds that are medals on his chest, and his face covered in blood, in the struggle for justice, and in the highest stage of piety. He inspired thousands of other thirsty people to drink this beverage of light. Pakistan’s blessed people are from a pro-revolution nation. They aspire to live according to Islamic rulings, with which we have an ancient, deep, and faithful relationship. It is imperative for them to keep martyr Syed Arif’s thoughts alive and to pass his message on. Nonetheless, the road to fight against American Islam is very difficult and puzzling. Therefore, it is necessary that all possible factors should be made clear for the impoverished Muslim masses. If this work would have been done through Islamic schools then there is a high possibility that he, Arif Hussain Al Hussaini would be living amongst us today. So now it’s necessary for us to fight against the western and eastern tyrants with all courage and understanding. I have lost my dear son.’

- A message from Imam Khomeini (ra) on the martyrdom of Allama Arif

Even after decades have passed since his martyrdom, the Shias of Pakistan have been left with a feeling of being orphaned, as no leader has been able to work for the welfare of people and lead the banner of unity in Pakistan like him.

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Sources used:

[1] https://www.erfan.ir/english/80560.html

*Author note: The Majority of sources used in this article have been taken from Safeer-e-Noor by Tasleem Raza Khan - a book on the life of the Shaheed which is currently only available in Urdu.

Edited by Aymun Moosavi

Musa Al Sadr: a Brief Exploration into the Clerics Political Legacy

“Whenever the poor involve themselves in a social revolution, it is a confirmation that injustice is not predestined.”

Image link: Musa al Sadr

The cleric's contribution to Shi’i Lebanese political thought and resistance is hard to miss. Through his charismatic leadership, an entire community was led out of political quietism into active resistance against a negligent government, planting the seeds to what would be Lebanon’s Shi’i political awakening for decades to come. 

Sadr, born in the Iranian holy city of Qom to a Lebanese Ayatollah, arrived in Lebanon in 1959. With familial roots in Iran, Iraq and Lebanon, his background automatically tied him to a transnational tradition which ideologically bound the Shia of these areas together, contributing to his respected status across the international Shi’i community, as well as those of Lebanon.

At the time of his political ascendancy in the early 60s, Southern Lebanon was home to the impoverished and destitute Shia minority, which had been a product of years of government neglect that had pushed them to the very bottom of all socioeconomic indicators. Shi’i politics was monopolised by elites and their extensive patronage networks, which excluded average members of society. Though frustration over their neglect began to boil over, the Shias lacked the political organisation and motivation required to challenge these issues. 

It was within this context that Sadr found his political calling. The next sections will unpack some of his main contributions to the Shi’i political awakening of the South, and what political legacy this has inspired.   

Shi’i political activism

Perhaps one of his most important contributions to political thought was his firm belief in social revolution; to him, change could only be possible if it was a bottom-up, people led movement - one that required political and social organisation, as well as broad based communal support. Political activism was the means through which the impoverished could finally be pulled out of their destitution, giving them the platform to demand change. 

Thus, appalled by the socioeconomic conditions of the Southern Shias and their severe underdevelopment, he began his campaign of reform through his role as Chairman of the Lebanese Islamic Shi’i Council, marking the first representative body that gave Shias exclusive representation, independent of Sunni Muslims. Through it, he called for the construction of schools and hospitals as well as wider political reform, which would finally end the period of isolation that cut them off from Lebanese society, and integrate them within its institutions. One of his biggest long term accomplishments was in education, through the establishment of the vocational institute in the Southern town of Burj al-Shimali [1], which has now become an important symbolic landmark of his legacy. He also demanded better military and defence measures that would protect the South from becoming the target of Israeli attacks. 

These measures politically mobilised the Shia and improved their aspirations by giving them a new hope that their fortunes could change. He founded new groups concerned with protecting them, such as Harakat al Mahrumin (The Movement of the Dispossessed) in 1974 as well as its military wing Amal (Hope), while ideologically inspired other groups such as Hezbollah. In this way, his teachings have informed the ideological orientation of a generation of political leaders, many of which continue to shape Lebanese politics today. Hassan Nasrallah, the current leader of Hezbollah was one of these men, who at the young age of 16 [2] gained early political experience as a fighter for the Amal movement.

Unity 

Sadr proved himself to be a pragmatic leader; though he was primarily concerned with uniting and organising the Shia, he extended his calls for unity beyond sectarian lines to the many different factions of Lebanese society. Harakat al Mahrumin itself, along with Sadr, was founded by Gregiore Hadad, the Greek Catholic Bishop of Beirut. It aimed to be a voice for the oppressed, but was significant in that it did not limit itself to any particular ideology; it aimed to represent all impoverished communities who had experienced government neglect regardless of their ideological orientation. He also gave regular speeches which attracted thousands, in which he invited people to look beyond social divisions and unite to end injustice. It was this pragmatism that allowed Sadr to expand his support base beyond sectarian lines despite his own firm belief in Shia Islam. His approach proved useful in overcoming Lebanon's societal divisions, ensuring the necessary inter-communal support needed to ignite any significant level of change. This approach later informed Hezbollah’s ideology, which has made a point of advertising its support for and protection of Lebanese Christian communities.  

A symbolic legacy; ‘the man of double identity’ 

The controversy surrounding Sadr’s disappearance after attending a conference in Libya in 1978 has bound him to the concept of martyrdom, adding another symbolic layer to his legacy. It was another loss which had struck the hearts of Shias, as his story was now tied to the all-too familiar experience of prominent Shia figures and adherents throughout history; one that typically ended in oppression, sacrifice, and an untimely death. Ayatollah Khomeini, the father of the Iranian Revolution, did not hesitate to make him a representation of sacrifice for a greater cause, to inspire the next generation of Shia militiamen and political thinkers to keep on the path of revolution. Sadr was no longer just a Lebanese reformer, but part of a broader Shi’i tradition that went beyond state boundaries; 

“Musa al Sadr himself came to serve an en­tirely new function. He was a man of double identity, claimed by the Iranians and by the Shia in Lebanon; he embodied the bonds, both real and imagined, between the two.”

- Fouad Ajami in The Vanished Imam: Musa Al Sadr and the Shia of Lebanon. [3]

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Musa al Sadr's contribution to the Shi’i political awakening of the late 60s and early 70s is incomparable. One man's plight changed the fate of millions of Lebanese Shias who had become nothing but an afterthought before his ascendancy. As a man of great intellect and pragmatism, he was able to toe the line between Islamic-inspired reform and inter-communal unity; between political activism and Islamic spiritual guidance. Through this, he brought a new framework with which to approach issues of the disadvantaged; one that has inspired a generation of political reformers and religious thinkers today. 

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Sources Used:

[1] Augustus R. Norton, Hezbollah: A Short History (3rd Edition)

[2] Le Monde Patrice Claude, Mystery man behind the party of God

[3] Fouad Ajami, The Vanished Imam: Musa Al Sadr and the Shia of Lebanon

[4] Anoushiravan Ehteshami & Raymond A. Hinnebusch, Syria and Iran: Middle Powers in a Penetrated Regional System

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